Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela (PCMLV)
On March 2, 1919, the First Congress of the Communist International, known as the Third International, was opened in Russia. In this event of great world historical significance, Lenin gave the opening speech in which he masterfully described the tactics of the Communist Parties to achieve victory and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
In such an important event, besides the opening remarks Lenin put forward the “Theses and Report on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.” In these he provided clearly and precisely the points of view that Marxist-Leninists must take up to be consistent with the course of action that gives continuity to the Third International.
Lenin said in these theses: “1. Faced with the growth of the
revolutionary workers’ movement in every country, the bourgeoisie and
their agents in the workers’ organizations are making desperate
attempts to find ideological and political arguments in defense of the
rule of the exploiters.” He denounced the use of falsehoods and
hypocrisy in condemning dictatorship and defending democracy without
taking into account their class character, using the concepts of
“democracy in general” and “dictatorship in general,” about which he
talks in the following thesis: “This non-class or above-class
presentation, which supposedly is popular, is an outright travesty of
the basic tenet of socialism, namely, its theory of class struggle,
which socialists who have sided with the bourgeoisie recognize in words
but disregard in practice. For in no civilized capitalist country does
‘democracy in general’ exist; all that exists is bourgeois democracy”
Lenin settled scores with the traitors of the Second International,
denouncing their nature as serving capitalism on a fundamental issue in
which social democracy serves as shield-bearer of the bourgeoisie in
denying the dictatorship of the proletariat and defending
counter-revolutionary criteria, hiding the class character of the State
and its forms of government, defending a “democracy in general” that
never existed anywhere, nor could it exist.
Furthermore, the third thesis explains the historical necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat: “History teaches us that no oppressed class ever did, or could, achieve power without going through a period of dictatorship, i.e., the conquest of political power and forcible suppression of the resistance always offered by the exploiters – a resistance that is most desperate, most furious, and that stops at nothing.” This important reflection is central for us revolutionaries today to understand that despite the whole offensive of social democracy to justify bourgeois rule and its attacks on Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin for their position on the need for the dictatorship of the proletariat, there are clear arguments that allow the exploited and the people to understand the underlying reasons for the utilization of revolutionary violence to ensure the proletarian control and its necessary dictatorship as the only way to advance towards the real building of socialism, discarding the petty bourgeois “democratic” deceptions.
In his arguments V.I. Lenin went into detail with clear and accurate
examples: “The history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
demonstrated, even before the war, what this celebrated ‘pure
democracy’ really is under capitalism. Marxists have always maintained
that the more developed, the ‘purer’ democracy is, the more naked,
acute and merciless the class struggle becomes, and the ‘purer’ the
capitalist oppression and bourgeois dictatorship/1 In this thesis he
contrasts democracy and dictatorship, as well as the dictatorship of
the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, clarifying the
role of the social-democrats: “The main thing that socialists fail to
understand and that constitutes their short-sightedness in matters of
theory, their subservience to bourgeois prejudices and their political
betrayal of the proletariat is that in capitalist society, whenever
there is any serious aggravation of the class struggle intrinsic to
that society, there can be no alternative but the dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat. Dreams of some
third way are reactionary, petty-bourgeois lamentations.... This is
also borne out by the whole science of political economy, by the entire
content of Marxism, which reveals the economic inevitability, wherever
commodity economy prevails, of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie that
can only be replaced by the class which the very growth of capitalism
develops, multiplies, welds together and strengthens, that is, the
proletarian class.” The Third International took these proposals of the
great leader of the proletariat and adopted them as theses of the real
Communists, among other elements of great theoretical profundity that
today help revolutionaries to clarify the way forward; these principles
are also taken up by our International Conference of Marxist-Leninist
Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), which in 2014 marked 20 years of
its existence fighting to consolidate an international reference point
of the Marxist-Leninist Communists, of the Revolutionary Communists,
who denounce the bourgeoisie, the social democrats and reformists from
whom we differentiate ourselves in practice and in theory.
The world today is marked by a full imperialist offensive to achieve a new re-division of the world. In this the confrontation between the great powers on the one hand, their offensive against the dependent countries to secure sources of raw materials and markets on the other hand, as well as the contradiction between capital and labor within each country, whether imperialist or dependent, mark the big contradictions of this stage. The reference points established by the Third International, especially Lenin’s proposals, play an important role in defining the actions of our parties.
The thesis adopted at the First Congress of the Third International make clear to us why the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary as a means to overthrow the exploiters and the only defence against the war of capital, which is expressed in the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, which in the world today has brought violence to higher levels as an expression of finance capital in the form of fascism.
Just as the form of bourgeois dictatorship changes, the form of the proletarian democracy also changes: “It follows that proletarian dictatorship must inevitably entail not only a change in democratic forms and institutions, generally speaking, but precisely such a change as provides an unparalleled extension of the actual enjoyment of democracy by those oppressed by capitalism – the toiling classes.”
CC of the PCMLV
Caracas, April 2014
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