Thales Caramante
In 1992 the end of socialism in Albania came. For a long time this small country in
the Balkan region, on the Adriatic Sea, was the beacon of
socialism for the world, for hundreds of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations and peoples who fought against oppression and who, always anxiously,
marvelled at the transformations created by the November
1944 revolution led by the Communist Party of Albania (PKSH)
with comrade Enver Hoxha at the head. We interviewed the
current Secretary-General of the Communist Party, Qemal
Cicollari, to give us an overview of the past and present of
that country which, throughout its history, has always been
surrounded and occupied by its enemies, but has never abandoned the revolutionary banner of national independence and
socialism.
Thales Caramante
Journal A Verdade
***
Could I introduce you, comrade? I would also like to take this opportunity to say that there is a lot of misunderstanding in Brazil about the fall of socialism in Albania. What are the essential factors to understand about the end of socialism in that country?
Before giving answers to all the questions, I would like to introduce myself briefly to the Brazilian comrades and readers of the newspaper A Verdade. My name is Qemal Cicollari, I am the Chair of the Communist Party of Albania (PKSH). Our party is faithfully guided by the revolutionary and scientific doctrine of Marxism-Leninism and the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. The PKSH was born on September 1, 1991, founded by the comrades known as The Enver Volunteers, led by comrade Hysni Milloshi.
To your first question, comrade, it is natural that numerous misunderstandings will arise in your country regarding the fall of socialism in Albania. I believe that this fact has to do not only with the lack of reliable information among the Brazilian comrades and people in general, but is also linked also to the furious anti-communist crusade of the imperialist bourgeoisie and the opportunist revisionists against Marxism-Leninism, socialism, its achievements and comrade Enver Hoxha. I would like to express, in this interview, the principled Marxist-Leninist position of the PKSH in relation to this question of fundamental importance not only for the communist movement in Albania, but also for the entire international communist movement.
After the death of Enver Hoxha, socialism in Albania was overthrown due to a process of degeneration starting with the revisionist betrayal of the liberal-revisionist leadership of the former Party of Labour of Albania (PLA), led by the revisionist and traitor Ramiz Alia. This fact was affirmed by the PKSH in an open statement to the whole world, from its creation on September 1, 1991.
Socialism in Albania was overthrown by a bourgeois and revisionist counter-revolution. To better understand the causes of the overthrow of socialism in Albania, I think it is necessary to present, very briefly, the history of the overthrow of socialism throughout the world. The bitter and sad historical experience of the fall of socialism in the world shows us, very clearly, that the imperialist bourgeoisie uses two ways to try to overthrow socialism.
The first mode was characterized by open armed aggression against the socialist countries, such as the intervention of the fourteen imperialist countries against Lenin shortly after the Great October Socialist Revolution; we also have the experience of the Great Patriotic War, the aggression of the Hitlerite Nazis and their satellites against the Soviet Union of the great comrade Stalin. At other times we also had the armed invasion by US imperialism, British imperialism against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Vietnam etc.
The second mode was the “peaceful” path of bourgeois and revisionist counter-revolution within the party itself. This method reached the centre of the socialist countries, being orchestrated mainly by the former Soviet Union with Nikita Khrushchev at the head. Historical experience has shown us very clearly that the second method, acting from within and “peacefully”, through the road of counter-revolution, was able to overthrow socialism.
Thus, we will focus briefly on the main causes that led to the overthrow of socialism in Albania. These causes have an objective and subjective character, internal and external. The causes are, according to the Communist Party in Albania (PKSH):
—The significant increase in the pressure of imperialism and revisionism against socialist Albania after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha. This condition caused the leadership of the former Party of Labor of Albania (PLA), with the revisionist Ramiz Alia at its head, to capitulate to this imperialist and revisionist pressure, which led to the birth and spread of anti-communism in Albania.
—The increase in imperialist pressure was stirred up by the remnants of the old feudal-bourgeois classes defeated by socialism, it was also stirred up by the most vacillating and degenerate elements that chose to ally themselves with the international imperialist bourgeoisie. This imperialist pressure created fissures in the country that allowed for foreign interference, so that petty bourgeois and petty-bourgeois cells would take the consciousness of social life into the individual consciousness of the people; the refusal to broaden the revolutionary class struggle by the PLA, with the revisionist Ramiz Alia at its head, led to allowing imperialism to roll back the advance of socialist consciousness of the people in Albania.
—The disintegration of the revolutionary consciousness led the former PLA, with the revisionist Ramiz Alia at its head, to degenerate and renounce the revolutionary and scientific doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. The old PLA did the same with the teachings of comrade Enver Hoxha. Ramiz Alia took advantage of the difficult circumstances in which Albania found itself after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha. Under the pretext of “facilitating” and “avoiding” the life of the people, Ramiz Alia and his group of liberals undertook a series of liberal and revisionist policies, presenting their measures as “a political development of Marxism in the face of the new conditions,” as policies “loyal to the path of Enver.”
—Ramiz Alia promoted the spirit of liberalism within the party, the state and throughout social life under the pretext of reforms necessary for the “expansion of the democratization of the life of the country”, according to the model of Perestroika and Glasnost of Mikhail Gorbachev according to the concrete conditions of the Albania. As a result of these “democratic” liberal reforms, the process of revisionist degeneration of the party, the socialist state, socialist relations of production, the whole political, economic, ideological and social life of Albania began, just as had happened to the former Soviet Union after the death of the great Stalin, when the infamous revisionist Nikita Khrushchev and his revisionist gang and later Brezhnev came to power and placed themselves at the head of the old Bolshevik Party and the Soviet state.
Ramiz Alia, in order to achieve his revisionist and counter-revolutionary goal of ending socialism and restoring capitalism in Albania, took decisive steps to make the Party of Labour of Albania (PLA) degenerate up to its foundations. To achieve this goal, he encouraged and supported, through various means, the spreading of the spirit of bourgeois liberalism in the domestic life and political activity of the PLA under the pretext of “democratizing” the internal life of the party, of finding “new ways” to advance in the “socialist” construction by the way of “comrade Enver.” These actions led to the violation of Marxist ideological principles and their Leninist norms. As a result of this liberal spirit in the party, the conditions were created for the birth of the opportunist and revisionist spirit in its ranks and, consequently, of the complete revisionist degeneration of the PLA. He encouraged the petty-bourgeois, liberal and bureaucratic spirit in the committees and leading bodies of the PLA. He sought to introduce and manoeuvre the liberal and opportunist elements into leading positions of the party and state, gradually purged the cadres who were opposing his policy, his opinions, his liberal and opportunist attitudes. Thus, also gradually, the Central Committee and Political Bureau of the former PLA degenerated from its foundations into opportunist and revisionist tendencies. In this way, step by step, the whole party, in a period of less than half a decade, degenerated to the revisionist line. This is the main reason why the former PLA did not resist and openly oppose the open betrayal of Ramiz Alia and his counter-revolutionary revisionist gang. In this catastrophic way, the overthrow of socialism and the restoration of “democracy,” that is, capitalism, became a reality in Albania in the 1990s.
This is the reason why the former PLA of Ramiz Alia did not do a thing for the masses to protect the Enver Hoxha Monument, violently torn down by the anti-communist and counter-revolutionary forces; this is the reason why Ramiz Alia’s former PLA did not oppose the transformation of the Party of Labour of Albania (PLA) into the Socialist Party (PS), with a social-democratic programme dominated by the bourgeoisie; this is the reason why no communist organization from the base of Ramiz Alia’s PLA came to build the new Communist Party of Albania (PKSH) that was re-established after the open betrayal.
The revisionist degeneration of the former PLA, the socialist state and the dictatorship of the proletariat in Albania, begun after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha in 1985, was crowned by Ramiz Alia in the late 1990s with the official proclamation of “political pluralism”, the “market economy”, in other words, the most reactionary Western capitalism. Thus, the period after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha, from 1985 to 1991, was the period of the bourgeois-revisionist “peaceful” counter-revolution; it is the period of capitalism masquerading as socialism. In this way, the overthrow of socialism in Albania did not occur by chance or spontaneously, like lightning. Socialism in Albania was not overthrown by way of open imperialist armed aggression, the overthrow of socialism in Albania was a “peaceful” counter-revolutionary political project from its leading organs, by the former PLA with Ramiz Alia at the head.
The overthrow of socialism in Albania, the former Soviet Union, China and the other socialist countries was a tragedy for the international communist and workers’ movement, but it was not a fatal one. From the point of view of the historical development of society, there has been social regression, because we find ourselves with a temporary barrier to social development; there has been a reversal from a higher economic-social order, socialism, to a lower economic-social order, capitalism.
These setbacks in the development of society also occurred in the pre-socialist economic-social orders. The history of human social development shows us that, although barbarians occasionally destroy entire civilizations, despite setbacks in which society passed from a higher stage of that development to feudalism; the restoration of the feudal Bourbon aristocracy in France was not able to paralyze historical development, and finally the new capitalist order finally overcame the old feudal order. In this way, the historical setback that struck the old socialist countries is temporary, after all the new communist order will finally conquer the old capitalist order. This is an objective law of the development of society. Economic and social development cannot be stopped. We communists, led by Marxist-Leninist science, by historical and dialectical materialism, cannot fail to accept and understand, we cannot close our eyes to the temporary and partial historical turns of the development of society that occur in concrete reality. No, we will never fall into pessimism, we must understand the dialectical essence of the process of development, between progress and regression. In this regard, the great Lenin said that “to imagine world history as progress that advances uninterruptedly, without obstacles and without care, without hope, often without turns, is not dialectical, is not scientific, theoretically it is not correct.”
Comrade Enver Hoxha also stated: “The struggle against imperialism, for the triumph of the proletarian cause, shows that the world revolutionary process does not develop and cannot develop on a single path, always on the offensive. History is full of zig-zags, ups and downs, offensive and defensive, temporary successes and defeats. This is an objective law of social development.”
The Albanian communists, guided by Marxist-Leninist science, have not fallen and will never fall into pessimism, regardless of the historical turns that have occurred since the overthrow of socialism and the restoration of capitalism in our country. We are guided, in this regard, by the slogan of the father of scientific socialism, Karl Marx, who says that “if we are defeated, we have no choice but to start all over again.”
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), guided by Marxist-Leninist science, has fought and will continue to fight to overthrow the old oppressive and exploitative capitalist order with a new proletarian revolution and to restore a new socialist and communist order in Albania, without oppression and exploitation of man by man, as in the time of the great comrade Enver Hoxha.
At the 9th Party Congress, comrade Adil Çarçani pointed out in his report a series of economic problems that the country faced for the fulfilment of the 8th Five-Year Plan that marked the policy of self-sufficiency. Do you think that these economic deficiencies were fundamental to the fall of socialism in Albania?
Undoubtedly the country faced great and varied economic difficulties of an objective and subjective character, internal and external. Socialist Albania was a small country with about three million inhabitants and with a very limited economic potential under the great pressure of the siege of the imperialist-revisionist blockade, which fought day and night to overthrow socialism in Albania. But even under these conditions, socialist Albania, with comrade Enver Hoxha at the head, always fought and won! This was a great revolutionary experience of how socialism can be defended and built on the basis of its own forces.
Despite the difficult circumstances that arose after the death of Enver Hoxha and his absence, the country still had every opportunity to defend and further build socialism. The great comrade Enver Hoxha created and inherited a great socialist economic base; under his leadership it was possible to develop our country in all fields. However, the construction and protection of the socialist system in Albania required fidelity to the basic principles of Marxist-Leninist science, with its creative application with its base in the masses and according to the concrete conditions of the time. However, as we know, the old PLA, with the revisionist Ramiz Alia at the head, betrayed Marxist-Leninist science and Enver Hoxha.
Economic difficulties, therefore, were not essential to the fall of socialism in Albania. The difficulties served the Albanian revisionist traitors as a pretext to deny and corrupt socialist relations of production and overthrow socialism in our country. Thus, despite weaknesses or certain inadequacies that arose, socialism in Albania could have been defended and paths built according to the fundamental principles of Marxist-Leninist science and the teachings of comrade Enver Hoxha.
Is it true that after the fall of socialism and the coup d’état of Sali Berisha (PD), the country erupted into a civil war in 1997 for the return of the socialist system? Why was the party not able to participate in the popular armed uprising and make the socialist system again a reality in Albania? Do you consider that the party was divided during the Civil War period in 1997? What would have been the correct way forward?
In 1997, mainly in southern Albania, an armed popular uprising broke out. Our evaluation is that it is not true that this popular revolt took place in order to return socialism in our country. The cause of this popular revolt was actually a demonstration against the widespread theft of public money through the neoliberal pyramid schemes created by the reactionary and neo-fascist bourgeois government of Sali Berisha. The popular insurrection, especially through its main leaders, was manipulated by the bourgeois Socialist Party (PS), at the time led by Fatos Nano. The revolt demanded the return of the money stolen by the pyramid schemes, the end of the reactionary and neo-fascist bourgeois regime of Sali Berisha and its replacement by the Socialist Party (PS) of Fatos Nano, as he promised to return the stolen money. This popular insurrection, more precisely its political leaders, did not demand the return of socialism in Albania or the re-establishment of people’s power. Thus, the armed popular uprising of 1997 in Albania had a bourgeois-democratic character.
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), at the time of the popular uprising in March 1997, was in deep illegality. In July 1991, the bourgeois, neo-fascist and anti-communist state of Sali Berisha decreed the illegality of our party, something that was only revised in July 1998. Even in the difficult conditions of illegality, the PKSH actively participated in the popular insurrection, guiding the overthrow of the reactionary regime of Sali Berisha. We can say, with great honour, that we were very active in this struggle. We fought with all our might on the side of the people and took every opportunity that the moment would support and stimulate the deepening of the popular revolt and advance the discussion of its political programme. At the time of the armed insurrection, we judged that sufficiently mature subjective conditions—as opposed to the objective conditions, internal and external—did not exist to carry out a new socialist revolution.
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), guided by Marxist-Leninist science, made a profound analysis of this popular insurrection. We have seen, in this popular revolt, its bourgeois-democratic character. That is why the PKSH did not allow itself to be deceived about a proletarian revolution in March 1997 in Albania; in our opinion this would have led us to fall into a position of left adventurism. So, in short, it was not that the PKSH in 1997 did not want to lead a proletarian revolution in Albania, but that the conditions for the revolution simply did not exist, that is the truth; then, we were not divided during the popular insurrection of 1997, the path that the PKSH had to follow was followed by all its members.
After the civil war the party splits into several factions? What prevented the reunification of these organizations into a single revolutionary Marxist-Leninist communist party? Do you think that the political consequences of the fall of socialism had not yet been overcome internally? Which path to reunification had to be followed and what barriers overcome? There is an evident rivalry among the prominent figures in four Communist Parties in Albania. How can these rivalries be overcome? Do you think such rivalries are trivial to the common struggle?
We do not believe that the PKSH has divided into fractions, in fact this is a dirty narrative created by opportunist and factionalist elements, unmasked and expelled from the party. They are Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti.
In order to understand the essence of this negative phenomenon, which affects not only the communist movement in Albania but also the international communist movement today, I think it necessary to very briefly explain and analyze this phenomenon on the basis of Marxist-Leninist science. Before moving on, I would like to present a brief picture of the communist movement in Albania from 1991 to now.
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH) was founded on September 1, 1991, under the leadership of comrade Hysni Milloshi.
In the autumn of 1998, another “communist” party was founded, the New Party of Labor of Albania (PRPS H), led by the revisionist Muharrem Xhafa, a former phantom member of the PPSH, straight out of the offices of Ramiz Alia. We point out that Muharrem Xhafa was expelled from our party for opportunism.
On April 3, 2003, another supposedly “communist party” was legalized by the electoral court. Termed the Communist Party of Albania “November 8” (PKSH 8 Nëntori), it was led by Preng Cuni, a recognized opportunist who was expelled from the PKSH.
In July 2007, another supposedly “communist” party was legalized in the electoral court, called the Party of Labour of Albania (Reconstructed) – PPSh(R). Today this party bears the name of the “Left Front”, led by an opportunist expelled from the PKSH.
This is the picture of the communist movement in present-day Albania. Hence a question: from this negative phenomenon, what is the consequence of many supposedly “communist” parties in a single country? To understand the essence, form and content of this deplorable phenomenon in the communist movement, it is necessary to analyze it in the light of Marxist-Leninist science.
Marxist-Leninist science teaches us that the proletariat, in order to successfully fulfill its historical mission, to overthrow the old oppressive and exploitative capitalist order, to build the new socialist and communist order, creates its own Marxist-Leninist party, the theoretical and political reflection of the revolution and the construction of socialism. The revolutionary experience of the world proletariat has perfectly proved the universality of this fundamental principle of Marxist-Leninist science.
The victory of the Great Socialist Revolution of October 1917 and the construction of socialism in the former Soviet Union was made possible thanks to the monolithic leadership of Marxism-Leninism and the indivisible Communist Party (Bolshevik) of the USSR (ВКП(б) with Lenin and Stalin at the head; and not, absolutely not, by many “communist and Bolshevik” parties.
In this way, Marxist-Leninist science teaches us the validity of this great principle from the revolutionary experience of the proletariat. The existence and activity of a single Marxist-Leninist communist party in a country is an objective premise, a key condition, a basic general principle, an objective law of development, for the victory of the revolution and the construction of socialism. Loyalty to this fundamental principle of Marxist-Leninist science is the cornerstone, the line of demarcation between the true Marxist-Leninists on the one hand and the opportunists and revisionists on the other.
Thus, the phenomenon of the existence and activity of many “communist” parties in a country is a blatant and completely revisionist betrayal of Marxist-Leninist science; it is a variant of the revisionist conception of “communist” political pluralism. And in the same way, Marxist-Leninist science teaches us that political pluralism is a system characteristic of bourgeois and revisionist countries, which recognizes the legalization of many communist parties, groups and political forces with different interests and conceptions. It is a revisionist view that demands such a social political system, capitalism. In this way, capitalism opposes the indissoluble single leadership of the Marxist-Leninist, revolutionary and scientific communist party. In the light of Marxist-Leninist science, it is very clear that this revisionist variant of “communist” political pluralism is a manifestation of bourgeois ideology in the workers’ movement; for this is a necessary system for a bourgeoisie that is divided into several parties with different conceptions, all defenders of the capitalist system, whether bourgeois, petty-bourgeois, Trotskyist, “communist” parties, etc. This is what they call “bourgeois democracy.” For these filthy revisionists, anything can be “communist” and “Marxist” but communism and Marxism. They thus try to convey the idea that the existence and activity of many “proletarian” parties is as natural as the existence and activity of many bourgeois parties in a single country.
The bourgeoisie is not a homogeneous class, it consists of different strata and groups, the big bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, etc. Consequently, the various bourgeois parties also represent politically every stratum and group of the bourgeoisie. So bourgeois political pluralism, in other words, the existence and activity of many bourgeois parties, is a necessary phenomenon for the capitalist system. All bourgeois parties, whether “right” or “left,” despite their various names and colours, express the same defence of the vital interests of the bourgeoisie as a ruling class. They serve the bourgeoisie as its “chariot horses,” those that pull the wagon into bourgeois power. The existence and activity of many bourgeois parties has served and will continue to serve the bourgeoisie to create illusions among the popular masses that the “alternation in power” that occurs from election to election in the capitalist countries will radically change their tragic economic-social situation. But the history of capitalism shows very clearly that no matter which bourgeois party rules, nothing will change at the root of society; the bourgeois class will remain in power, the means of production will remain the private property of the capitalists; the bourgeoisie will continue to ruthlessly exploit the working class and the working masses.
We do not mean in any way that the proletarian class is “pure.” From time to time our class is “disturbed” by the “recruits” who have just entered its ranks, by elements of the petty bourgeoisie who go bankrupt due to the capitalist tendency to strengthen the monopolies; the same happens with other classes that gradually descend to the level of the proletariat. These new “recruits” bring to the ranks of the proletariat (as the great Lenin said) the influence of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois psychology and ideology. Thus, the revisionist parties represent politically precisely these new “recruits”, these elements of the petty bourgeoisie in the ranks of the proletariat and the semi-proletarian strata. This is what Marxist-Leninist science teaches.
Therefore, the content and form of “communist” political pluralism is a concept of bourgeois and revisionist practice; it is a manifestation of the influence of the bourgeoisie on the proletariat; it is a new variant of the already existing and outdated bourgeois-revisionist pluralism.
In the light of Marxist-Leninist science, it is very evident that those who create other supposedly “communist” parties in a country, when the Marxist-Leninist party already exists in practice, do nothing but revise Marxist-Leninist science, they are nothing but ideological and political agents of the bourgeoisie within the communist movement; they are nothing but filthy revisionists. On this question, the great Lenin stated: “The revisionism of Marxism today is one of the main, if not the most prevalent, manifestations of bourgeois influence on the proletariat and of the rottenness of the bourgeoisie in the proletariat.”1
Clear as daylight, this teaching of the great Lenin shows that the phenomenon of “communist” political pluralism, that is, the existence and activity of many “communist” parties in a country, is nothing more than a revision of Marxist-Leninist science, nothing more than blatant revisionism. Therefore, it is very evident that Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti and their respective parties are of the revisionist tendency.
These filthy revisionists and their revisionist parties, as the great Lenin teaches, exert bourgeois influence over the Albanian proletariat with the aim of corrupting the workers. The main feature that distinguishes this new variant of “communist” political pluralism from Titoist, Eurocommunist, etc. political pluralism is that these “socialists” are not in power in the country; The other main feature of this new revisionist variant of political pluralism is that such parties are not openly revisionist for the entire public through their anti-Marxist political platform and program, but by implementing, in their counterrevolutionary practice, the task of undermining, dividing and sabotaging the communist and workers’ movement within the country, trying their best to sell themselves to the public as “communists” and “Marxist-Leninists.”
In order to distinguish and understand the proletarian character of a communist party, the great Lenin emphasized that “whether a party is really a proletarian party or not depends not only on whether it is made up of workers, but also on who leads it, what is the content of its political actions and tactics. Only the latter is what determines whether we are really dealing with a political party of the proletariat.”2
Enlightened by this great teaching of Lenin, we have seen in the past and are still seeing in the present, for almost 25 years, that the so-called “communist” parties of Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti and company were never guided by Marxist-Leninist science, but rather by bourgeois conceptions and practices. The 25-year history of these so-called “communist” parties has proven in the past and in the present something very evident: that the content and form, the political tactics have been and continue to be that of systematically degenerating and destroying the Communist Party of Albania (PKSH) guided by Marxism-Leninism; as well as undermining and provoking the division, through sabotage, of the workers’ movement in our country, in order to protect and perpetuate the prevailing capitalist system. In this way, for almost 25 years the content of the tactical actions of these revisionist parties has brought water to the mill of the bourgeoisie, has been in political tune with the strategies of the bourgeois parties. It is not in vain that the great Lenin called these parties “the bourgeois party of the working class.”
Based on Leninist conceptions, the non-proletarian character of these so-called “communist” parties is very clear. The leaders of these parties also adhere to non-Leninist revisionist methods of organization. Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti and their parties pose in the press as “great Enverists”, but this is a far cry from what they do in practice, for it is there that they trample on the work and teachings of comrade Enver Hoxha. On the question of the creation and methods of organization of a Marxist-Leninist party, comrade Enver Hoxha wrote that “The Marxist-Leninist party is not born and is not created in vain. This party is born and created as a result of some objective and subjective factors. The Marxist-Leninist party, the de facto representative of the working class, represents its highest aspirations, its revolutionary content, its revolutionary aims, its Marxist-Leninist theory which is the theory of the working class. Without Marxist-Leninist theory there is no Marxist-Leninist party.”
These so-called “communist” parties of Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti and company are not working-class parties. This, for us, is due to the fact that the working class creates only its own single Marxist-Leninist proletarian party and not several other vanguard “proletarian” parties. These parties operate outside of Marxist-Leninist theory, which is the very theory of the working class. These parties are therefore also operating outside of the working class, outside their revolutionary aims. Thus, the parties of Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti, by wanting to “revise” or “correct” the teachings of comrade Enver Hoxha, become anti-Enverist parties with equally avowed anti-Enverist leaders.
According to this logic, we ask these hypocritical revisionists how many “communist” parties there should be in Albania, four, forty, four hundred, four million... How many?
According to the logic of these revisionists, honoured comrade Thales Caramante, it is certain that in Brazil, a country about fifty times larger than Albania, there should be more than two hundred million “communist” parties. Of course, this concept belongs to the revisionist “logic” and is so absurd and ridiculous that it is exposing even further before the eyes of the people the ideological decadence of these shameless revisionist vulgarizers.
Guided by the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist scientific doctrine, in analyzing this revisionist variant, it is very clear that the essence of this variant of the concept of “communist” political pluralism in the communist movement is the negation of the leading and indivisible role of the Marxist-Leninist party, as the only theoretical and political nucleus of the proletariat in the process of building the revolution and in the construction of socialism. Ultimately, they are protecting and perpetuating the old system of capitalist oppression and exploitation by undermining, sabotaging and dividing the communist and workers’ movement; it also denies and attacks other basic principles such as the role of the proletarian revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the construction and building of socialist society. Marxist-Leninist science and the world historical experience of the proletariat fully teach us that without a vanguard and indivisible party, the revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat cannot complete its historical task and be victorious, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot assert itself and act, socialism cannot be built and developed. Therefore, this revisionist variant of “communist” political pluralism denies, in one way or another, both the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat and also socialism.
We can say, in making the above analysis, that the bourgeois-revisionist phenomenon of “communist” political pluralism in a country is essentially one of the various expressions of the influence of bourgeois ideology on the proletariat and its independent communist movement, a way of giving bourgeois political pluralism a communist label. It is a vulgar manifestation of bourgeois thought. The main feature of this variant is the way it masks its hostile anti-Marxist activity with “Marxist-Leninist” slogans. In this regard, the great Lenin emphasized that “the dialectics of history is such that the victory of Marxism forces its opponents to disguise themselves as Marxists.”3
The first revisionists were unmasked by Lenin, who wrote: “The opportunists are the bourgeois enemies of the proletarian revolution who, in times of peace, do an insidious job. Our means of uncovering their complete denial of Marxism is by reaffirming Marxism, by unmasking their opportunist hypocrisy.”4
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), guided by the teachings of the great Lenin, has unmasked and will continue to ruthlessly denounce the “opportunist hypocrisy” of all revisionists and opportunists of any kind. The PKSH will continue to ruthlessly unmask revisionists and opportunists of the type of Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti.
The classics of Marxism-Leninism, that is, Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha, unmasked and severely condemned any concession of principles with the opportunists and revisionists in their parties; they never cooperated with them — the PKSH, guided by Marxist-Leninist science, severely unmasks any union and collaboration with opportunists and revisionists and their parties. The PKSH recognizes only the Leninist unity, from the bottom up, of the communists in the Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), according to its Marxist-Leninist Programme and Statutes.
History has shown that the unity with social democrats, opportunists and the leaders of the “communist” parties has only led to the degeneration of the foundations and destruction of the Marxist-Leninist party, when it does not lead to splits. As proof of this assertion, we bring a fact: in 2006, the main leaders of the PKSH united in a social-democratic unification with the opportunist and revisionist party of Muharrem Xhafa; in 2011 they did the same with the opportunist Preng Cuni. Both unifications were damaging and failed.
Opportunists and revisionists that they are, when Muharrem Xhafa and Preng Cuni entered the PKSH, they began a hostile, disguised and factionalist activity, with the aim of usurping the leadership of the party, causing it to degenerate and destroying it. The hostile activity of these filthy opportunists and factionalists deeply damaged the PKSH. In this way, the PKSH and its leadership ruthlessly unmasked and expelled from its ranks these opportunists, factionalists and Trotskyists in 2012.
Today, the Communist Party of Albania (PKSH), although in very difficult conditions of a furious anti-communist crusade of the international and reactionary bourgeoisie in power, is fighting without wavering and growing both in quantity and quality in the class struggle against the bourgeoisie. We are becoming an important political force in the life of the country, with almost total influence in the communist movement in Albania, which is constantly increasing its influence over the working class and the other working masses.
The Communist Party of Albania (PKSH) is struggling to successfully fulfill its historic mission. On the other hand, the revisionist parties of Muharrem Xhafa, Preng Cuni and Marko Dajti, from an organizational point of view, are not operating either. These parties are, in short, a small group of leaders with a chair and almost no members or militants. The people never see these parties in the streets, in the demonstrations, because these are parties that meet in cafes, which exist only in the lists of electoral voters. These revisionist parties, with only one chair and no members, have no influence on the communist movement in Albania, but they continue to corrupt and delay the development of the class struggle among a part of the people.
Marxist-Leninist science teaches us that without fighting against opportunism and revisionism, the bourgeoisie and imperialism cannot be fought properly. The Marxist-Leninist PKSH will continue to ruthlessly denounce these revisionist parties among the communists and the people until their complete destruction. This is a question of great importance that I have dealt with more deeply in my pamphlet entitled Political Pluralism: A Bourgeois and Revisionist Theory and Practice.
It is clear that there is a lot of nostalgia among the people for the socialist past, but gradually this nostalgia can die along with the nostalgic ones? What are the tasks of the communists towards the youth? Do you think it is important to create a unified and national communist youth movement for the formation of new cadres? If so, what are the challenges to this construction?
It is true that the people, especially among the older generations who were able to live through the socialist era, miss that time. The main concern is that this longing may be extinguished with the death of the earlier generations. In this case, I have a slightly different view. This political nostalgia of the Albanian people for socialism is not the same as the mourning of a man who is longing for a loved one. It is different with the people. The people are immortal, despite the changes from generation to generation; the elders transmit their longing, their thoughts, to future generations. In this case, I will be a little more prosaic and say that we transmit and propagate to the youth the material and cultural experiences of our socialist politics, as a true heritage. The nostalgia of the Albanian people for socialism is rooted in history, in the great achievements of socialism almost half a century ago, preserved deep in their memory.
In the matter of nostalgia for socialism, two antagonistic tendencies operate. On the one hand, there is the tendency to preserve, keep alive and develop nostalgia for socialism, and on the other hand, there is the tendency to liquidate, to “kill the nostalgia” for socialism, especially among the new mass of youth who, unfortunately, did not live through that great historical epoch. These two antagonistic tendencies, in connection with the question of socialism, are one of several expressions of the class struggle which is taking place between the proletariat and the other toiling masses on the one hand, and the bourgeoisie on the other. It is the expression of an irreconcilable struggle between Marxist-Leninist proletarian ideology on the one hand, and bourgeois ideology on the other.
There is no doubt that, in the end, the first tendency will prevail over the second one due to the objective development of society, of the passage from the old capitalist order to the new socialist and communist order.
But let us return to the specific case. I think it will be difficult, not to say impossible, to “kill the nostalgia” of the Albanian people for socialism, for it has deep roots in the soul of the people, despite the fact that the Albanian bourgeoisie in power and its bourgeois state has developed and is still developing a fierce anti-communist crusade against the great era of socialism with comrade Enver Hoxha at the head. For more than thirty years the bourgeoisie has aimed to pluck these “roots” from the soul of the people, to complete their brainwashing, to purge communist ideals and the great achievements of socialism from the minds of the workers, to “kill the nostalgia” of the masses for socialism.
The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, political power was in their hands, in an alliance of the workers and peasants; Today, on the contrary, political power is in the hands of the bourgeoisie, where a handful of capitalists and oligarchs oppress the people!
The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, the means of production (the factories, mills, power plants, fields and hydroelectric dams, etc.) were the common property of the people and not, as today under capitalism, where these factories, power plants and hydroelectric dams etc. are capitalist private property in the hands of the bourgeoisie who constantly pressure the workers to provide still more abusive rates of profits!
The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, feudal-bourgeois private property disappeared and, with it, the feudal-bourgeois exploiting class, and also the exploitation of man by man! The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, unemployment did not exist, the socialist state and the dictatorship of the proletariat guaranteed employment to all people, in other words, the state guaranteed a dignified life to everyone!
The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, education was free for all people, health care was free, there were no taxes, wages and pensions increased annually, the socialist system constantly reduced the prices of goods and services. In other words, it continually increased the material and cultural well-being of the masses! The Albanian people cannot easily forget the nostalgia for socialism, because in the epoch of socialism, with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, Albania was completely free and independent, it was not like today under capitalism, when Albania became a colony of Euro-American imperialism!
In addition, there is another important factor in favour of the nostalgia of the Albanian people for socialism, which is precisely the comparison that people always make between the two epochs, between the great achievements of the most brilliant era of our country and the great tragedies that the masses are experiencing daily with capitalism today.
This does not mean, in any way, that our people’s nostalgia for socialism is guaranteed at random and spontaneously. Without a consistent and permanent class struggle that the PKSH is waging to preserve and develop the memory of the people for socialism, without the systematic and organized propaganda of the socialist era, especially among the youth, with the aim of broadening political consciousness in favour of socialism and communism, we cannot be victorious. Therefore, the duties of the communists among the youth today are:
• To propagate in a systematic and organized way, in various ways, the great achievements of the epoch of socialism with comrade Enver Hoxha at its head among the youth;
• To renew Marxist-Leninist education among the youth;
• To organize the youth in our fronts of communist, anti-fascist and progressive struggles under the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party;
• To launch and prepare the youth for uninterrupted revolutionary actions, tempering the cadres in the school of the revolution, preparing the youth in its cadre of professional revolutionaries;
To achieve these great goals in working with the youth, of course, the Marxist-Leninist party faces great challenges, complicated but never insurmountable. I believe that the implementation of the tasks mentioned above in relation to youth work makes it possible to successfully face any challenge.
How do you assess the internal situation of Albania today and what are the most urgent tasks of the communists?
The situation in Albania today is very serious. The poverty and misery of the Albanian people, the working class and other working classes is growing rapidly everywhere as a direct result of the increasing exploitation of labour by the ruling bourgeoisie.
Unemployment has risen sharply in the country, especially during the period of the Covid-19 pandemic, with about 30% to 40% of the people infected; social polarization is increasing rapidly; the prices of foodstuffs and the fees for all services are skyrocketing; the level of inflation is rising, workers’ wages are constantly falling below the level of inflation, and their working conditions are increasingly precarious; pensions and social assistance for the families of the unemployed are undergoing cuts every year; the Albanian workers, especially the youth, thus prefer to emigrate, something that is increasing every year; about a third of the population of Albania has left the homeland in order to survive.
In capitalist Albania, anti-communism has become the official policy of the bourgeois state. The main anti-communist blows are led by the bourgeois state and the bourgeois parties of the right and “left”, all against Marxism-Leninism, against socialism, against comrade Enver Hoxha and also against the PKSH.
The violation and suppression of democratic freedoms and workers’ rights has increased on the part of the neo-fascist bourgeois state disguised by a democratic mask. The corruption of bourgeois politicians and local governments is blatant and carried out with total impunity. Organized crime, drug trafficking, human trafficking and other incurable social injuries typical of capitalist society are taking place in Albania in broad daylight.
Faced with these conditions, the dissatisfaction and class struggle of the Albanian proletariat and the other working classes against the oppression and exploitation of capitalism is also increasing every day. Thus, the general crisis of capitalism is deepening and worsening more and more, the antagonistic contradictions of capitalist society in Albania are deepening and becoming even more serious. In this way, the Albanian communists face some urgent tasks, among them:
• Continuous strengthening of the revolutionary life, activity and actions of the PKSH;
• Continuous strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist education of the communists with the expansion of the agitation and propaganda work of the PKSH and the spreading of Marxist-Leninist ideology among the masses to strengthen the ties of the party with the people;
• Strengthening the work of the PKSH among the trade unions, peasantry and youth, with emphasis on the Qemal Stafa Communist Youth Union, and the strengthening of revolutionary work among women, with emphasis on the Margarita Tutulani Women’s Movement in Albania.
Enver Hoxha and Nexhmije Hoxha are highly respected figures among the Marxist-Leninists of Brazil, but they are little known among the people. What do you think can be done to broaden this knowledge? What works and books do you think are essential for everyone to read?
I believe that to expand the knowledge of Marxist-Leninists and the Brazilian people about the revolutionary life and work of the great Enver Hoxha, the main way would be the dissemination of his works. I believe that all the works of Comrade Enver are very important for the people and, in the first place, for every true revolutionary communist. However, I think that for the formation of true revolutionary Marxist-Leninists we must all engage in the reading of works such as Imperialism and the Revolution, Eurocommunism is Anticommunism, The Khrushchevites, Reflections on China, Yugoslav Self-Management: A Capitalist Theory and Practice, With Stalin (Recollections), etc.
In addition to being a great Marxist-Leninist, Enver Hoxha was also a great teacher. What teachings of his do you consider the most important for the working class?
Enver Hoxha is a great teacher of the working class, his lessons for our class are fundamental and of the greatest importance. I think that the main lesson of comrade Enver Hoxha for the working class is that he, with his ideas and consistent Leninist practice of a prominent Marxist and great revolutionary leader of the working class, as a great and historic leader of socialist Albania for almost half a century, showed the possibility of destroying the old capitalist system of exploitation of the working class with the construction of the proletarian revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat in establishing people’s power, the foundation of the new socialist and communist system which puts an end to the exploitation of man by man and every form of human oppression.
What message would you leave for the Brazilian readers of the newspaper A Verdade?
It is with great pleasure and honour that, through this interview, I have the opportunity to wish all readers of the newspaper A Verdade, the Brazilian men and women, a great greeting and infinite wish for success in our common struggle for the triumph of the great cause of communism in Brazil, in Albania and throughout the world. Thank you very much!
Endnotes:
1. Vladimir Lenin: Against Revisionism; page 182, Albanian edition.
2. Vladimir Lenin: Collected Works, Volume 31; page 285, Albanian edition.
3. Vladimir Lenin: Collected Works, Volume 18; page 653, Albanian edition.
4. Vladimir Lenin: Collected Works, Volume 21; page 106, Albanian edition.
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