(*) Report to the Eighteenth enlarged plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Japan. Published in the newspaper “Akahata” of January 24, 1950.
The popular forces are achieving successes on an international scale. The new upsurge of the popular forces is disrupting the onslaught of international monopoly capital which is seeking world domination, forcing it to beat a hasty retreat. The situation is characterized by the following factors:
a) The rapid development of Socialism and democracy exposes the corruption and crisis which are ruining the capitalist system and renders this system unstable.
The popular revolution, headed by the working class, is developing along the road of Socialism and People’s Democracy.
b) The fact that the U.S.S.R. has atomic energy at its disposal testifies to the mighty development of Socialist economy. At the same time this gives the popular forces greater confidence and represents a defeat for the boastful policy of monopoly capital.
Since the U.S.S.R. has extended the sphere of utilisation of atomic energy as a source of motive power and has been able to make it available as a source of energy, the U.S.S.R. as the bulwark of the revolution and its material base, has now become invulnerable.
c) The development of the Chinese revolution has stimulated the rapid development of the national-liberation movement in the countries of Asia. Ninety-five per cent of the territory of Viet Nam has been liberated, and France with its own forces is unable to deal with the situation. Workers and progressive people in France are insisting that the troops be withdrawn immediately from Viet Nam and that its independence be recognised. In Burma the influence of the Thakin Nu regime, based on the Socialist Party of national traitors, is restricted to territory within a radius of 10-20 miles around Rangoon, the capital of Burma. There are large tracts of liberated territory in the more important regions of the country, and the Thakin Nu Government is paralysed. Britain, which sent an army, 120,000 strong, for intervention in Malaya, is unable to defeat the partisan forces, and liberated forces have been formed in various parts of Malaya. “Independent” Indonesia affords proof that Holland can no longer solve this question, and that international monopoly capital has undertaken the offensive there.
The revolutionary forces in the Philippines are also achieving successes.
The neutral attitude taken by India in relation to the struggle between the revolutionary forces and monopoly capital is explained by the fact that India cannot ignore the popular liberation movement in the countries of South-East Asia. Thus the setting-up of an anti-Communist front headed by India is impossible. The organisation of such an anti-Communist front will result only in enormous expenditure and undoubtedly is impossible.
The influence of the great Chinese revolution is evident not only from these facts. Its influence is felt in the Far East and throughout the world.
d) Serious antagonisms have arisen among the imperialist countries. Among Western European countries which participate in the “Marshall Plan” – antagonisms have sharpened in connection with the deepening economic crisis and even American “aid”, rather than neutralising those antagonisms has made them even more acute due to competition in connection with receipt of the American “aid”. In conditions of a rapidly shrinking market the question of recognition of revolutionary China is a serious problem. Although the U.S. has adopted a firm position of non-recognition of China, first Burma and India, and then Britain recognised China. Thus, other capitalist countries will be compelled to follow these examples, and sooner or later the U.S. will do this also.
Statements and actions by the instigators of war with regard to the situation in Formosa sharpen even more the antagonisms between the various countries, and also intensify the counter-offensive against monopoly capital. That is why military intervention in Formosa is impossible. As stated, the popular forces are achieving successes of historic significance, and the domination of international monopoly capital, the headquarters of which are in Wall Street, has been shaken considerably.
World economic crisis and the class struggle are intensifying. Attempts of the imperialists to find a way out of the economic crisis in military adventures and in an armament drive have, unquestionably, suffered failure. The economic crisis is deepening more and more. The policy of monopoly capital designed to overcome the economic crisis has produced the following results:
a) The ceaseless armament drive has led to growing deficits in national budgets. Even the current U.S. budget shows a deficit of 5.5 billion dollars. Other countries are in a state of real disintegration. This makes the burden of taxation unbearable.
b) The policy of rising monopoly prices, the low level of wages and intensification of labour have resulted in a drastic curtailment in production which this year which this year is 12-25 per cent below the level of last year. The number of unemployed is growing. According to an article published in “Pravda”, even in the U.S. there are 4 million wholly unemployed and over 18 million part time unemployed. The situation in Western Europe is worse. Unemployment has reached such dimensions that the matter cannot be solved within the confines of present capitalist economy.
c) The agricultural crisis is deepening more and more. As a result, life for the poor peasants and farm labourers has become unbearable, while agricultural products are being dumped on the world market. At the same time, increasing impoverishment in the colonial and semi-colonial countries is sharpening the national-liberation struggle and narrowing the world market.
d) In the capitalist countries workers are entering into resolute struggle. Demonstrations and strikes have increased considerably both in number and in character. Moreover, the peasant struggle grows in intensity.
However, despite such failures of the imperialists, the military provocations do not cease. On the contrary, the instigators of war are becoming frantic, the tendency towards fascism becomes more pronounced, and the class struggle becomes a life and death struggle. The peoples of the world are rebuffing the offensive of international monopoly capital which aspires to world domination and are rising in struggle against war and for peace.
It is clear that the popular revolution must combine three demands: a life of stability for the people, national independence, and world peace. These demands must be realised through international solidarity.
The Government of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Yoshida is a Government of national betrayal.
a) The building of military bases in Japan will involve her in a third world war. However, the Government of the Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Party dreams of restoring monarchist imperialism as the agent of monopoly capital and intends actively to carry out this role. This testifies to the treacherous character of the Government and shows that the fate of the Kuomintang Government in China awaits the Yoshida Cabinet.
b) Sentiments favouring the retention of foreign troops in Japan after the signing of the peace treaty are growing. It is argued that this is necessary in order to defend Japan from aggression by any other country. The Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Cabinet welcomes this development. This is an attempt to complete the formation of a powerful armed police under the protection of foreign troops, and later to restore the army. This is absolutely clear if one remembers what took place in Germany after World War One.
Despite the fact that the economy of Japan is heading towards destruction, and that education is falling into decay, budget allocations for the police have increased this year by 60 per cent, their arms have been improved while police training assumes a military character. In addition, the Government seeks to restore the political rights of war criminals, sympathises with the reactionary underground organisations and in no way hinders the secret visits of former Japanese military men into China. It is clear that this is done in order to help the attempts to suppress the popular revolution and, at the same time, to play the role of the gendarme of international monopoly capital in the Far East.
c) International monopoly capital intends to invest capital in Japan, to make her a base for exports to countries to countries of South-Eastern Asia. The Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Cabinet actively pursues the policy of attracting foreign capital – a process which has already taken place in the oil industry. While oil output in Japan has declined sharply, the production of refined oil from imported crude oil has reached considerable proportions. Oil consumption in Japan has declined by half. It is not known, however, for what purposes the remaining quantity of refined oil produced in Japan is used. To enable such things to be done, a law “concerning the control of foreign currency and foreign trade” was drawn up, which was followed by another project “for free zones”, and at present a programme of utilising U.S. shipping to a total of 500,000 tons is being drawn up.
What difference is there between Japan and the old Shanghai?
d) The Government’s policy with regard to education, science and technique is designed to reduce the Japanese people to the level of a colonial people. In other words, it is aimed at making the Japanese people docile slaves of foreign capital and of its agents. The Government also intends to develop a tourist trade and, in this way, to give sordid, parasitic character to our nation.
The aim of this policy by the Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Cabinet is to hand over our country for enslavement by foreign capital; a policy which the entire people have opposed with wrath and indignation. However, with the help of all kind of manipulations, fraud and camouflage the Cabinet pursues this policy in order to preserve the domination of a handful of monopoly capitalists and big landlords.
The results of the undermining activities of the Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Cabinet.
a) The removal of the system of controls over economy resulted in enormous profits for monopoly capital and has brought national capital, small and medium capitalists, to the verge of bankruptcy. For example, prices for special coal and that of the highest quality – production of which is monopolised by such large monopoly concerns as Mitsui, Mitsubisi, Sumitomo, Furukawa and others – rose by 400-700 yen per ton compared to State corporation prices, while the price of low-grade coal fell 500-600 yen per ton. Special grade coal, which is a monopoly of the big capitalists, is sold to big companies with which these capitalists are specially linked. That is why local enterprises of the gas industry and also the metallurgical and chemical industries experience a shortage in special coal supplies while the smaller mines producing low-grade coal suffer from accumulation of stocks. The enormous stocks of coal in the possession of the State corporation can only be sold with great difficulty, therefore these coal stocks are mounting. Between August and October 1949, coal stocks increased by 1,000,000 tons, and at the end of October they totalled 5,600,000 tons. As a result, following the end of controls, coal output of the Zaibatsu companies rose, while production of coal from the small and medium sized mines quickly slumped and at the end of September they produced only 60-70 per cent of the pre-control output. Their position is deteriorating daily. Whereas mines owned by the Zaibatsu coal companies, helped by an intensified speed-up, receive 1,000 to 2,000 yen in profits per ton, small and medium coal mine operators are being ruined.
Despite the fact that national capitalists, owners of small and medium enterprises are being ruined because of financial difficulties, banks, including the big Mitsui, Mitsubisi, Sumitomo and other banks, receive huge profits – excluding super-profits – amounting to 60 per cent and these profits are growing every quarter. Between April and September 1949, the rate of profit rose by 20 per cent compared to that in the corresponding period of 1948.
Various enterprises supported by finance capital are also raking in enormous profits. This tendency extends also to enterprises producing essential goods.
b) There is hardly any need to say that the reduction of wages and the intensification of labour are aimed at increasing the profits of monopoly capital. Thus, as a result of the ruin of small and medium enterprises the number of unemployed is at the highest level ever known in the existence of the capitalist system in Japan.
The Government estimates the number of unemployed at between 200,000-300,000. This includes only those wholly unemployed. But altogether, there are over 12 million people fully unemployed or working part time. What are the conditions of employed workers? They cannot live on their wages despite the fact that they work more than the normal hours and despite speed-up. Workers’ debts grow daily, and they are steadily becoming impoverished.
The mood of workers in the factories is becoming more and more militant, they are in advance of their leaders. In such circumstances, no plots by traitors, and no repression by the fascist Government will be able to hold back the working class movement.
c) The plunder of the peasants in the countryside is unbearable. Whereas the amount paid for rice has risen only slightly, peasants suffer from high prices for fertilisers and other products of monopoly capital. Moreover, because rice quotas in excess of schedules have become law, and due to the law providing for special measures to obtain the chief foodstuffs – a law introduced by special decree – peasants are suffering even more than they did under the Emperor system.
Generally speaking, although all monopoly prices have risen, the peasants have suffered most of all from the higher price charged for electricity for agricultural needs, which rose at least three-fold and sometimes even ten-fold, along with a two-fold increase in transportation costs. At the same time a ten-fold increase in land rent is foreseen. On the other hand, this is aimed at bringing to nought the land reform under the pretext of increasing the land tax, and on the other, at forcing on Japan – in the interests of international monopoly capital – the food surpluses which have appeared as a result of the world crisis in agriculture. This is evident from Japan’s participation in the international wheat agreement.
Even the small and medium landowners are opposing this destructive policy in the countryside.
d) The plunder of small and medium enterprises by monopoly capital, including those of Japanese capitalists, is carried out in all branches of financial and economic life.
e) Without dwelling in detail on the financial and economic plunder of the people as a whole, nevertheless it should be pointed out that small shopkeepers, owners of small and medium sized hotels and restaurants, and building contractors are doomed to speedy ruin.
f) Although outwardly the State budget has been cut by approximately 40 billion yen, this reduction has been made at the expense of a considerable cut in the funds for regulating prices. As already pointed out, this means an increase in the tax burden for those whose profit has diminished has diminished and for those who are now being ruined. This expresses the disastrous effect of the abolition of controls. A more important point is the local tax increase. If this increase is effected, the tax burden instead of diminishing will grow.
g) Such a situation accelerates the destruction of local autonomous organs with the result that the local autonomous organs are beginning to take part in the struggle against the policy of the central authorities. In other words, if the local autonomous organs do not defend the interests of the people, then they will find themselves in danger.
At the present moment the Socialist Party is split into two factions. Among these competing factions there are honest elements who, by taking a position corresponding to the interests of the working class and by forming a united front with our Party, are prepared to take part in a powerful movement on a nation-wide scale. We must endeavour to act in a united front with the masses under the influence of the Socialist Party and by working jointly with the honest elements, revolutionise these masses. With the exception of these honest elements, the remaining Socialists are simply the agents of the treacherous Liberal-Democratic Party among the people.
The leading workers of the Socialist Party from the Mosaburo Sudzuki clique who secured the support of the majority in the Socialist Party are not “Left”. They are most harmful elements, betraying the working class to international monopoly capital. This is evident from the fact that Hirou Wada, who has support among corrupt bureaucrats and who enjoys the confidence of Yoshida, the Chairman of the Liberal-Democratic Party, supervises the finances of the Socialist Party. We must not let the active elements of the Right and centre factions of the Socialists take an anti-popular stand in the factories and in the mass organisations. Unable to hold back the offensive of the people, headed by the working class, even these elements can under certain conditions, co-operate with us.
Although we must closely watch their activities and expose their nature, we must compel them to come into the struggle with us by revolutionising the masses who are under their influence and by drawing them into joint action whenever possible.
Thus, as a consequence of the policy pursued by the Yoshida Liberal-Democratic Cabinet – which seeks to maintain power and which is fully dependent n international monopoly capital – the life, industry and culture of the nation are perishing.
The so-called “separate peace” makes the situation quite clear and completes it. At present a separate peace is being effected “de facto”, step by step. Since a separate peace is hopeless in view of the existing international situation, they want to replace it simply by a “declaration about ending the state of war”. This means that Japan will actually be turned into a colony of a certain power. At present this is becoming an indisputable and concrete fact. Consequently, a separate peace treaty does not mean a peaceful settlement. It merely confirms the fact of the loss of the independence of the nation, and its enslavement.
The immediate policy of our Party. To overcome the crisis in which the nation finds itself, and to ensure the actual stabilisation of the life of the people, the independence of the nation and peace throughout the world, it is necessary to secure the signing of an all-round peace treaty in which the U.S.S.R. and the Chinese People’s Republic will participate.
In the Party programme adopted at the Sixth Party Congress held three years ago our Party advanced two slogans:
1. Exact fulfilment of the Potsdam Declaration.
2. The restoration of economy by the people themselves and the complete independence of Japan.
These two slogans constitute the basis of our present demand for an “all-round peace treaty corresponding to the Potsdam Declaration.”
Since the Central Committee published a detailed explanation of this demand there is no need to dwell on this at present.
However, it is essential to add the following slogans in order to specify and explain the Party’s policy:
1. Against a separate peace which will bring war. To hasten the signing of an all-round peace treaty which will secure peace with an agreement between the great powers.
2. Against a separate peace which leads to colonisation and fascism. To hasten the signing of an all-round peace treaty in order to secure freedom, independence, democracy and prosperity.
These slogans must take first place in the struggle for the everyday demands of the masses.
Our Party will make every effort to develop these demands as class, political demands. We declare that this will be a decisive method for carrying out the popular revolution. That is why actions against a separate peace and for the overthrow of Yoshida’s Liberal-Democratic Cabinet which is supporting this, must be a vital task.
For the purpose of achieving this aim, a democratic national front of all strata of the people, including that of national capital is essential.
Moreover, the movement for a speedy conclusion of an all-round peace treaty will not be a powerful movement, unless the masses understand the role of the U.S.S.R., of the Chinese People’s Republic and of the Korean People’s Democratic Republic.
We stress also that for the rehabilitation of our country, free trade and cultural relations with these countries are essential. More than that, we must put emphasis on the international solidarity of the proletariat.
In order to achieve victory we must consolidate the democratic national front which unites all sections of the people.
To secure a united front of workers, peasants, fishermen and all other strata of the people.
An important factor which enabled monopoly capital to secure the success of its offensive last year was its ability to split the trade unions and other associations of the people. However, the struggle during the current year has exposed the crimes of the leaders of the “League for Democratisation.” They can no longer keep their position in the leadership of the masses. This has happened because the masses, on their own initiative, began to march forward, overcoming enemy pressure.
It follows, therefore, that unity can be achieved by fully adopting the demands of the masses, by loyal work in the realisation of these demands and simultaneously, by political propaganda based on a class outlook. Moreover, it is necessary to learn from the masses and to display initiative together with the masses. In this respect it is necessary to criticise the tendency prevailing in our Party to underrate the mass organisations. It is necessary, above all, to overcome this tendency. In addition, unprincipled negotiations between leaders are harmful. Unity can only be won when the pressure of the masses overcomes the egoism of the leaders. This is true in respect to trade union, peasant and other forms of the popular movement, i.e. in respect to all forms of the people’s struggle. We must display initiative in disclosing the specific features of the struggle in order to ensure the realisation of the corresponding demands. A situation in which the Party activists ignore the demands of the masses, or when they try to rally the masses mechanically, as was the case in the past, can be very harmful.
In these activities directed to unifying, extending and strengthening the mass organisation, the various Party bodies must devote special attention to the following:
a) To the gradual development of the united front, beginning with the front on a district scale, to the front on a prefecture scale and, finally, on a country-wide scale, or, from the front in a single branch of industry to one on a national scale.
There is a tendency to hold back the development of the national front by uniting organisations in certain districts only. This happens because the aforementioned point is forgotten. This tendency must be overcome immediately. It is important to achieve unification on a regional as well as on a nation-wide scale under the leadership of the working class.
b) To rebuild organisations which have degenerated into “company unions” (i.e. trade unions under the influence of capitalist agents) or become completely disintegrated.
c) To use the militant trade unions and the peasants’ unions as a means for the consolidation of the mass organisations.
Activities in the countryside, among farm labourers and poor peasants must occupy a leading place. Otherwise there can be no consolidation of the forces which carry out the revolution. However, all this will prove senseless if we fail to understand the qualitative aspect of the question. It is extremely harmful to pose these questions in a formal manner.
Charging individuals who disagree with the above-mentioned principles with kulak tendencies – is aimless abstract criticism. This criticism is aimed at undermining the unity of the peasants’ front.
In Japan the landlords are simultaneously kulaks. There are no kulak elements of the European type in Japan. In this sense we define them as kulaks of a landlord type. However, there prevails among the older comrades in our Party the erroneous tendency to regard middle peasants as kulaks and to sow strife between the middle and poor peasants. We must overcome this tendency and unite all strata of the peasantry, all the people of the countryside, unless they are out and out reactionaries. This is a matter of keeping the movement from deviating to the Right Social-Democratic path, of ensuring the qualitative realisation of the political line of the Party.
To organise the struggle in the localities and to develop it into a national struggle.
The secret of success at the present moment consists in the working class heading the movement and in unifying the struggle of various strata of the population in the local organisations. The enemy is employing all means, including provocation, for his offensive. Therefore, unless the mass of the people unite on a local scale and unless the working class wages the struggle in a way to unite the workers in a given branch of industry or on the scale of the Zaibatsu company, attacks against them will mainly be local and the workers will be unable to stand up to these attacks even if their struggle on a national scale is strong. Consequently, the struggle on a national scale is weak if it does not rely on the local struggle.
Solving problems only from the standpoint of struggle on a national scale is the attribute of light-minded people lacking in practical experience. Success will not be attained if this struggle is not linked with the exposure of illegal transactions. It is necessary also to unite this struggle with that waged against the local administration and to weaken the latter, since this will help us reinforce our strength. When we achieve success we will be in a position to force the local autonomous bodies to take part in our struggle and, in this way, strengthen our struggle considerably both qualitatively and quantitatively.
Further, we must devote special attention to the struggle of the unemployed since they are resolute in their demands and might become a powerful force in the fight.
The unification of the front must be extended to the political sphere with the help of the united conference of three parties. The conference of three parties for the organisation of joint struggle represents a united front of the Worker-Peasant Party, the Communist Party and all sincere elements in the Socialist Party. This conference must become the main organ of the democratic national front. The treacherous leadership of the Socialist Party must be isolated from the masses while, at the same time carrying out the demand of the masses for the united front. We have no intention of using the united front to force other parties to unite with the Communist Party, but this organisation must really unite the masses for the struggle waged on the basis of a common platform. The conference of the three parties is precisely this type of organisation, and in no circumstances can it be a provisional body.
The League for Defence of Democracy must be strengthened to extend the democratic national front. This organisation must unite the broadest strata of the people, including the home capitalists, in the struggle against the party of national betrayers – the Liberal Democratic Party – in the struggle for national liberation, for freedom, independence and prosperity. The main points consist of the following:
a) The principal slogan of the platform must be: “A peace settlement in the form of an all round peace treaty in the spirit of the Potsdam declaration”. A struggle must be waged to stabilise the life of the people, for national independence and for world peace, a struggle against national treachery in all forms and to frustrate the provocations of the instigators of a new war.
b) This is not a provisional organisation. It has serious ideological and political tasks to solve in the struggle for national independence.
c) It is important that members of the Communist Party raise their theoretical and political level and acquire practical experience in the correct leadership of organisations. People who lack this experience, who try to rally the masses by bureaucratic means or who merely follow in the wake of the masses, are actually undermining the united front. In other words the Party must overcome sectarianism and simultaneously eliminate the tendency to dissolve the Party in the national front. These tasks can only be carried out if the Party, mindful of its class character, will play the leading role in realising the demands of the masses.
d) The Communist Party can only give concrete leadership in the struggle if it analyses every aspect of its activities and does not limit itself to the struggle for the satisfaction of the narrow, immediate demands of the masses. The Society for the Defence of Peace must be developed into a wider organisation than the League for the Defence of Democracy. However, the League for the Defence of Democracy must become the driving force and all other organisations must join it.
The forthcoming elections to the Chamber of Counsellors are most important. Their significance is that these elections will be the turning point in the overthrow of the Liberal-Democratic Yoshida Cabinet. Therefore, in addition to our day to day struggles, we must always take into account the question of overthrowing the cabinet of the Liberal Democratic Party. For this we must expose their treacherous policy. The Liberal Democratic Party has reached a stage when it can no longer exist without unlawful activities, and using its power, is compelled to defend those engaged in such activities.
We must expose this activity, combining this exposure with the struggle for the satisfaction of the demands of the masses.
Party organs must use all means of propaganda for this purpose. Leaflets must be distributed calling for the overthrow of the Government of the Liberal Democratic Party. We must explain to the masses the harm which comes from contraband, from subversive organisations and from plunder by monopoly capital. This must be done by developing the class consciousness and political consciousness of the masses.
We must display extreme care with regard to the organisation of a united front with the Right elements of the Socialist Party during the elections. These elements have always betrayed agreements. In some cases this betrayal followed after they had been elected as a result of an election agreement. We always supported the candidates of the bloc, but they did not help us, but cast their votes for other candidates. In other cases they deliberately hindered our joint election fight, violated the agreement, nominated their own candidates and helped our opponents. Considering this situation it will be correct to say that their real intention is to help the Liberal Democrats and to deceive the people. Therefore, we must take a resolute stand and reject common action with them until we are convinced of their sincerity.
In short, during the election campaign a united front should be formed only if it has been organisationally elaborate prior to the elections, or where the question of the candidates has been settled before the elections. Elections are a test of our daily activities. The secret of victory lies in winning the confidence of the masses and in behaving correctly towards them not only in those areas where struggles are taking place, but everywhere.
Meanwhile, the activities of the old Party members also yield good results. We must provide members of the Party with every opportunity to display their ability and to encourage voluntary election work by sympathisers. During the election campaign we must mobilise not only Party members but also sympathisers of the Communist Party (naturally, with due regard to their abilities). And, we must not overlook the necessity to appeal to the masses as was the case in the past.
To achieve the above we must improve the Party qualitatively, to meet the demands of the masses and to transform the Party into a mass Party.
Now that the booklet on the question of the revision of the Party line has been printed, the task is to carry out the decisions contained therein. The following must also be added:
a) The reorganisation of Party life must be carried out with a view to raising the ideological level of party members and this must be begun not by increasing the wages of Party activists. Increased wages can only be allowed on condition that the quality of Party work is improved. For this it is necessary to study basic Party literature individually and in groups.
b) It is harmful for activists with a tendency to mobilise the masses in a mechanical way to head the work in local prefectural and district committees. This may lead to egoistic activity and even to loss of trust in the Party. Therefore we must substitute such activities by genuine Bolshevik work.
c) To brag or seek refuge in past services, to boast of one’s abilities, is but an expression of egoism. Rivalry is a display of sectarianism and we must abandon such practices.
d) Frequent changing of jobs inside the Party is harmful since it leads to deterioration in the quality of Party work. This leads on the one hand to the magnifying of errors by some functionaries striving for solid jobs which would give them a standing, and, on the other hand, the elements around which the masses group cut themselves off from the masses.
e) Academic discussions for the purpose of self-justification, as well as egoistic propaganda which ignores the needs of the masses, are harmful.
f) Individuals who, for their own selfish ends, try to worm their way into the Party leadership must be exposed, as well as those who, under cover of revolutionary phraseology, fail to fulfil their obligations.
g) Abnormal private life by Party members leads to weakened Party discipline. Party discipline must be strictly adhered to but, at the same time, it is harmful to criticise Party members from the standpoint of old morals.
h) Under no circumstances must we deviate from the basic line of turning Party members into class fighters, namely into political workers of a Bolshevik type.
It is a serious bureaucratic shortcoming when, as a result of a narrow practical approach, members are excluded from the Party only because they do not always attend Party meetings or do not regularly pay their membership dues. When that happens Party work becomes sectarian and is conducted only by the most active elements, while numerically, the Party shrinks day by day.
If Party members fail to attend Party meetings, or are in arrears with their membership dues or slacken in their activities, responsible leaders of Party units, local prefectural and district Party committees must carefully study their position and give them counsel which will ensure their steady development as Party members. In such cases it is necessary to make special lists of all those lagging behind and to draw them into active work and take measures to ensure their development. In this respect, we hope that my article “Change of Methods in the Work of Party Units and of Improving the Quality of Work” will be helpful.
To fulfil this task we must simplify the work of the Party apparatus and eliminate formalism.
We must reduce the personnel of the leading Party organs and send active comrades to permanent work in those districts where hitherto Party work was neglected, and get them to make their homes in these districts and thus strengthen the foundation of the pyramidal organisation of the Party.
Of late there have been two tendencies revealed on questions of cultural work. The first, which is correct, suggests that cultural work be carried out in the spirit of the decisions of the Central Committee. The second, which is incorrect, defends the view of art for art’s sake. Practice shows, however, that even the correct tendency has not yet matured in many respects. It is wrong to resort to abstract criticism instead of criticising the shortcomings in a desire to develop this correct tendency. This abstract criticism is based on standard conceptions without regard for objective and subjective conditions. Such criticism is evident chiefly among specialists in the sphere of literature and, in some cases, among theoreticians. Such criticism can only retard our development and isolate the leadership of our Party from the masses in the field of culture. Hence, this incorrect tendency must quickly be overcome.
The second tendency – art for art’s sake – regards the development of art as the most important thing, and that the Party should merely be the instrument for its development. This, undoubtedly, is a bourgeois view which we must combat with all the means in our power. It undermines the principles of Marxism-Leninism and is a very dangerous deviation.
Cultural work naturally must serve the cause of the People’s Democratic revolution and only then will it benefit the masses.
It is most important in cultural work not to ignore the national traditions in form and to maintain its class character in content.
The task of artists – members of the Party – is to be real workers in
art and not professional handicraftsmen. We must not forget that
workers in the sphere of art can only achieve success if they express
the strivings of the people.