The policy of achieving world domination pursued by the U.S. imperialists is at present encountering great obstacles. One such obstacle is the rapid development of the revolutionary movement in Japan.
The 1952 May Day demonstration served as an illustration of the high level of the revolutionary movement in Japan. May Day demonstrations, which took place in 400 places in all parts of the country, rallied 4,000,000 people. The enemy, everywhere, organised attacks against the demonstrations, utilising for this purpose strong units of armed police under U.S. officers. However, the attempt to smash the demonstrations ended in obvious failure. In Tokyo 10,000 armed police, commanded by U.S. officers, attacked the May Day demonstrations on the People’s Square. A hundred thousand demonstrators resolutely rebuffed the police with the result that several hundred were killed and injured on both sides. The resolute resistance of the Japanese people makes the position of the U.S. troops in Korea even more hopeless, accelerates the political, economic and organisational collapse of the U.S. in Japan and adds to the confusion in the camp of the U.S. imperialists and their accomplices – the Japanese reactionaries.
All this shows that the revolutionary movement in Japan has become a serious obstacle to the aggressive policy of the U.S. imperialists in the Far East and that in this respect it plays an important role. This is precisely why it meets with a wide international response.
The present rise of the revolutionary movement in Japan has become possible as a result of the 30-years’ stubborn struggle, waged by the Communist Party of Japan.
Today, on occasion of its 30th anniversary it is necessary for our Party to glance back at its past activity in order to learn from it, and, in this way, to help on its further development.
I.
The great October Socialist Revolution in Russia tremendously influenced the development of the world revolutionary movement. Under its influence Communist Parties came into being in all countries. In recent years Communist Parties in many countries celebrated their 30th anniversary. This year, the Communist Party of Japan, founded on July 15, 1922, celebrates its 30th anniversary.
Beginning with the year 1900 the working-class trade union movement began to develop in Japan under the leadership of the great Sen Katayama. The militarist-absolute monarchy succeeded in throttling this movement for a time.
However, the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia revived the trade union movement among the workers and also the peasant and student movements. The summer of 1918 witnessed the so-called “rice revolt” – seizure of food by the starving population – in Japan.
Early in 1922 a Congress of the peoples of the Far East was held in Moscow. As a result of this Congress, the isolated Communist groups which then existed in Japan, united into the Communist Party of Japan under the leadership of Comrade Sen Katayama. The programme of the Communist Party proclaimed the aim of overthrowing the monarchy and of establishing a democratic republic.
In 1927, this brief programme of the Communist Party was extended, and this made it possible to extend the influence of the Party among the masses. Having smashed the liquidator group of economists, headed by Jamakawa, and the leftist group of Fukumoto which, with their petty-bourgeois abstract theories sought to isolate the Party from the masses, the Communist Party of Japan became the genuine vanguard of the working class. Its programme included the following points: overthrow of the monarchy, abolition of parasitic landlord ownership and transfer of the land to the peasants without compensation, a 7-hour working day and the establishment of a worker-peasant government. Thanks to Comrade Masanosuke Watanabe’s leadership, the Party boldly waged the struggle for the realisation of this programme, relying on the support of the broad masses.
The inner contradictions of predatory Japanese imperialism, which was one of the weak links in the world imperialist system, and which maintained its existence with the aid of the monarchy system, became sharper as the result of the great national liberation movements in the Far Eastern countries, in China in particular, which developed under the influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution. It was precisely for this reason that Japanese imperialism further intensified its intervention in China after World War I. By its seizure of Manchuria in 1931, Japan was the first to unleash World War II.
In order to wage the war Japanese imperialism further intensified its policy of oppressing the masses. This was a fascist system of oppression combined with feudal survivals.
The Communist Party was the first to be subjected to brutal repressions which later spread to the trade unions, peasant unions and student organisations, to al spheres of liberal cultural activities. The entire life of the people, its thoughts and actions, were fettered in militarist slavery.
These brutal repressions which had already begun in 1928, grew in intensity with the extension of the war.
Our Party bent every effort in the struggle against this policy, pursued in the interests of the aggressive war. Despite the rampant terror of the semi-feudal monarchy, the Communist Party went ahead with the struggle, organising anti-war groups in the factories, mines, in the countryside, and also in the army and navy.
In the course of this fierce struggle the enemy murdered Comrade Syoichi Ichikawa, an eminent leader of our Party.
Throughout the 23 years since the formation of the Communist Party and the defeat of Japanese imperialism in 1945, our Party functioned illegally and was constantly subjected to brutal persecution. Consequently, the membership was never above 1,000. However, despite this, the Party succeeded in laying a certain foundation for the further development of the revolutionary movement among the workers and peasants and among the progressive students, under the leadership of the working class. This is proved by the extremely rapid growth of the Communist Party which now has a membership of several hundred thousand and enjoys the support of the broad masses.
II.
On August 15, 1945, the Japanese Emperor announced Japan’s unconditional surrender in accordance with the Potsdam Declaration. Predatory Japanese imperialism suffered complete defeat and the Emperor, who had been regarded as a deity, was forced to abandon his godship. The law on “maintenance of order” and other fascist laws were repealed. On October 10, 1945, many Japanese comrades, headed by the leadership of the Communist Party, were finally released after 18 years in prison.
Receiving for the first time the opportunity of legal existence, The Communist Party immediately developed its activity. In its programme it demanded the abolition of the monarchist system, confiscation of the parasitic landlord ownership of land and transfer of the land to the peasants, establishment of people’s control over monopoly capital and a people’s democratic republic. As a result, the Party was immediately subjected to fierce attacks by the reactionary forces and, particularly, on the part of the remaining fascist groups which did not even hesitate at terrorist attacks against the Communists with a view to intimidating them. Social Democratic elements, acting jointly with the capitalists, attacked the Communist Party, betraying the interests of the working class. But despite everything, this working class actively supported the Communist Party and almost the entire struggle of the working class was waged under the leadership of the Communist Party. As a result, a turbulent strike struggle developed in Japan in 1946. In the summer and autumn of 1946 the seamen’s trade union, the railwaymen’s, electricians’ and other unions waged a successful struggle demanding higher wages, an 8-hour working day, the introduction of a system of collective agreements between workers and employers and so on. There were no working-class organisations in Japan during the war. Early in 1947, factory and office workers organised in trade unions, already numbered 4,000,000.
In the course of this struggle our Party not only successfully led the strike struggle, it worked for the widescale establishment of working class control in industry. This control was necessary, because the capitalists, in view of the unfavourable political and economic situation in the country for them, were discontinuing production. In these conditions the workers were forced to resist and not by means of strikes alone but also by establishing their control over the enterprises. The masses, who suffered from shortages of essential commodities, welcomed this control.
The tactic of establishing working class control over production was fiercely attacked by the combined front of the capitalists and Social Democrats, but despite this it achieved success. This experience will, undoubtedly, prove very significant for the further development of the revolutionary situation. Precisely because it relied on control over production, the working class was able to wage a successful strike struggle and to fight confidently for power.
On February 1, 1947, 2,600,000 workers in the various branches of industry decided to declare a general strike. The government and capitalists found themselves in an altogether hopeless plight in face of the tremendous might of the working class. Although they succeeded in averting this strike with the help of the military forces of MacArthur’s headquarters, the workers nevertheless won, by means of negotiation, a 100 per cent increase in wages, the 8-hour day and the introduction of the system of collective agreements.
In May 1946, the U.S. imperialists, in a statement made by Acheson, completely disclosed their anti-communist stand. They mustered all their efforts in order to install the reactionary Yoshida Government. However, prior to the general strike of February 1947, they dared not openly ban strikes. Only on January 31, 1947, seeing that the leading role of the Communists was growing and that the workers relying on their control over production were developing the struggle on an increasing scale, the U.S. authorities issued an order banning general strikes. Since then they have incessantly expanded their action, contrary to the Potsdam Declaration. The order, banning general strikes, issued in February 1947, was the first step along the pathway of establishing the present colonial regime in Japan.
Faced with the general strike ban in February 1947, our Party withdrew a step in order to strengthen its contact with the masses, headed by the working class. The leading influence of the Communist Party was strong, but its influence among the peasantry and, particularly, among the students and intelligentsia, was still weak. Party membership was not very great – a little over 30,000.
Later, all efforts were concentrated on strengthening the Party organisations and their influence among the various mass organisations, and, rebuffing all kind of provocations and attacks on the part of the enemy, the Party steadily built up its revolutionary forces.
While prior to this, the Party to a certain degree, underrated the importance of work in the mass organisations, it later adopted a firm line designed to strengthen its influence in the different co-operative organisations, among cultural and art workers, in the organisations of small and medium manufacturers, in the central and local administrations, among the police and other organisations of repression. The aim was not to confine the activity of the Party to the working class alone, but to extend it to the peasantry, students, intelligentsia, small and medium manufacturers and traders, and, in this way, create a broad national-democratic front. The Party also sought to extend its activity among the youth and women.
Previously, the majority of the Party press publications were printed in the centre. Now, a decision was adopted to issue publications in all provincial organs of the Party. By the end of 1949 Party organisations published a total of 5,000 newspapers and journals. Party training was also organised in all organisations. In addition to the Central Party School for training leading cadres, schools were opened in all regional Party committees. In this way, we sought to raise the educational level of the members. While waging the struggle for the everyday demands of the masses and in defence of their interests, we reinforced the bonds between the Party and the masses and its steadfastness against all possible enemy repressions.
As a result, the forces of the Party have grown considerably.
Recruitment of new members was also carried out by rallying the Left-wing of the Socialist Party and the Worker-Peasant Party. As a result, the Communist Party grew considerably and by the end of 1949 its membership was over 200,000.
After the ban on the general strike in February 1947, Communists and other progressive elements were expelled wholesale from the trade unions and peasant organisations. For this purpose Communists were falsely charged with various crimes, and various methods of violence, bribery and all kinds of splitting activity, designed to weaken the influence of the Party among the masses, were employed. In reply, our Party sought on the one hand, to avert a split in the mass organisations, and, on the other, by various means, to reinforce its influence even in organisations under the leadership of reactionary or neutral elements. Thus, despite the resistance of the mercenary opportunist leadership of these organisations, the movement for united action in the mass organisations under the leadership of the Communist Party was intensified, the alliance between the working masses and the peasantry strengthened, and the tactic of the united front extended. Despite the fact that the membership of the trade unions affiliated to the Congress of Industrial Organisations and other Left mass organisations had considerably declined, the united front tactic was widely and successfully applied in the mass organisations and the forces of the Communist Party far from diminishing, continued to grow.
During elections to the Chamber of Representatives in January 1949, our Party, despite brutal repressions on the part of the Yishida Government and the U.S. occupationists, polled 3,000,000 votes and won 35 seats in Parliament. In the course of the election campaign the influence of the Party grew considerably also in the provinces, where many Communists were elected to mayorships, village elders and deputies of municipal centres, whereas previously, they had practically no representation at all.
The work of the Party in the different cultural and scientific organisations and offices, which hitherto suffered from serious weaknesses, has been considerably extended.
However, along with these successes two types of opportunism came to the fore during this period. One was manifested at the 15th Plenum of the Central Committee held in spring 1949. Its advocated underestimated the reactionary essence of the American occupation regime and claimed that there was a possibility of for the victory of the revolution by peaceful means through Parliament.
The other type of opportunism revealed itself in September 1949. Its advocates contended that power in Japan was wholly and completely in the hands of the U.S. imperialists, that the Yoshida Government and other organs of central and local rule were nothing more than the mechanical tools of American imperialism. Consequently, they held that the main task of the Party at the moment was struggle only against the U.S. occupation troops, saying nothing about the struggle against the Yoshida Government. These opportunists demanded that all the efforts of the Party be concentrated on popularising these tasks among the masses and on rousing the masses immediately to fight for withdrawal of the American troops.
Right-wing opportunism in the Party was overcome as a result of the inner-Party discussion. The articles critically analysing the situation in Japan and in the Party published in the journal “For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy!” and also in the journal “Jenminjipao” were of great help to the Party in this respect. The 18th enlarged Plenum held in January 1950, unanimously resolved that the immediate task of the Party was the struggle for ending the U.S. occupation regime and for the overthrow of the internal reactionary forces represented by the Yoshida Government. However, these decisions failed to impart full clarity to the estimation of the present situation in Japan, failed to define the main revolutionary action corresponding to the situation in the country. The Party continued to suffer from left opportunist vacillations which later led to the formation of factional groupings embracing all kind of vacillating elements headed by Trotskyites.
It goes without saying that the appearance in the Party of these factional groupings facilitated the drive of the U.S. imperialists and Japanese reaction against the Communist Party. They took advantage of the internal weaknesses for the purpose of furthering disruptive activity inside the Party. This resulted in a temporary decline in membership and prevented the further growth of the Party.
The Party was confronted with the need to work out a new programme which would help to eliminate the inner-Party differences and open a new phase for further development of the Party.
III.
The main question on which the leadership of our Party lacked clarity was whether postwar Japan was an imperialist country or whether it had become a colonial, dependent country. The Party leadership held that Japan was, as before the war, a military imperialist state although its normal development had been disrupted. True, the leadership of the Party pointed out that, as a result of the American occupation, Japan found itself in a dependent position and that its liberation from the occupation regime was an important question. However, the leadership of the Party failed to give a clear definition to the character of the revolution as a revolution in a colonial, dependent country, a revolution the principles of which were explicitly elaborated by Comrade Stalin. The leadership of the Communist Party advanced the task of national liberation and felt that in these conditions the national bourgeoisie could become one of the active elements in the liberation struggle. We worked pretty hard on this question, but failed all the same to achieve complete clarity.
The significance of the new programme is that it eliminated the vagueness and defined the character of the oncoming revolution in Japan as a revolution in a dependent country, that is a national-liberation democratic revolution.
The new programme of the Communist Party is, gradually, becoming the programme of the entire people. Numerous solid organisations of resistance against the U.S. imperialists and Japanese reactionary forces are being created under its banner. This is explained by the fact that the New Programme of our Party actually expresses the interests of the people and shows them the correct pathway of struggle for a better life.
Beginning with the autumn of 1949 our Party, in addition to its former legal activity, turned to other forms of activity corresponding to the new situation. After the war our Party engaged in large-scale legal activity and on this basis became a mass Party and made great strides forward in its development. But in order to counter the malignant attacks and provocations of the enemy, to facilitate the further growth of the Party, we were faced with the need for a new organisational system that would facilitate the carrying out of the necessary action.
In connection with switching to this new tactic our Party advanced the slogan: “Fight on the basis of the confidence of the people”, that is, never to forget the need for close contact with the people. In this way the party was able to preserve its organisations, relying on the powerful forces of the people. Under the leadership of the Party the masses were able, in a short space of time, to set up a network of resistance organisations which are repulsing the attacks of the enemy.
It was precisely thanks to the adoption of the new tactic that we were able to frustrate the designs of the U.S. imperialists and Japanese reaction, who, beginning with 1950, did their utmost to smash the Communist Party, using for this purpose the opposition groupings in the Party. This tactic also enabled us to ensure further growth and consolidation of the Party.
The U.S. occupation authorities and the Yoshida reactionary Government of Japan, taking advantage of the conditions of the occupation regime, banned members of the Central Committee of the Party and the leading personnel of the newspaper “Akahata” from taking part in public life. They “purged” the trade unions and Parliament of the most active people and banned nearly 2,000 progressive newspapers and magazines, including “Akahata”, central organ of the Communist Party, and closed their printing establishments. They murdered or threw into prison tens of thousands of activists, accusing them of all kind of criminal offences which they had never committed. However, despite this, the revolutionary forces are growing and becoming consolidated, which proves that our Party has emerged victorious over the policy of enemy repression.
As a result of the adoption of the New Programme which clearly outlined the aims of the Party, the entire Party engaged in still more active work.
After the signing in San Francisco of the separate “peace treaty” with Japan and the U.S.-Japanese “security pact”, which later were followed by the signing of the so-called “administrative agreement”, it became clear that these treaties mean prolonged occupation of Japan by the U.S. armed forces. The enslavement of the Japanese people and the turning of Japan into a base for aggression against the Soviet Union, China, Korea, Viet Nam and other countries of the Far East.
The statement made by the reactionary Yoshida Government about ending the activity of the Soviet mission in Japan, contrary to international agreements, and about its co-operation with the Chiang Kai-shek clique for purposes of aggressive war – all add to the exposure of the aggressive designs of U.S. imperialism.
In reply, the working class, the peasantry, students and other sections of the intelligentsia as well as the medium and small businessmen rose in resolute struggle, acting in the spirit of the New Programme of the Communist Party.
This mighty popular resistance found clearest expression in the actions of the trade unions which rallied around themselves the popular masses. Between the end of 1951 and May 1952 the trade unions fought a number of big strikes and organised demonstrations which brought together from 1,500,000 to 4,000,000 people. In this way the trade unions dealt a powerful blow at the fascist policy and caused consternation in the enemy camp.
Until now the revolutionary movement in Japan lacked adequate co-operation with the international forces. However, after the adoption of the New Programme and after we began to carry it out, this co-operation was strengthened. The fraternal Communist Parties and progressive organisations in many countries gave us tremendous moral help in matters concerning the war in Korea, relations with the Soviet Union and the New China, the struggle against U.S. aggressive policy, the further growth of our Party and in other matters affecting the life of our people.
Of especially great significance in this respect was Comrade Stalin’s New Year Message to the people of Japan. This message not only strengthened the international bonds of the Japanese people, it also helped them immeasurably to intensify the struggle against the anti-Soviet and anti-Communist policy of the U.S. imperialists and the Japanese reactionary forces, helped them to successfully realise the tasks advanced in the New Programme of the Communist Party.
IV.
The “land reform” carried out on the orders of the American occupation army is a fraud from beginning to end.
The Right-wing Social Democrats and “left” adventurers claim that as a result of this reform distribution of the arable land among the peasants has been completed, and that the only question is that at present agriculture is unprofitable, and consequently, capital investments in agriculture are extremely inadequate.
On the basis of this reasoning they ridiculed the agrarian policy of our Party declaring that our demand for a revolutionary land reform is absurd.
At that time we were unable to deliver a decisive blow against the Right-wing Socialists and “left” adventurers on this question. Advancing the demand for a revolutionary land reform and insisting, at the same time, on the satisfaction of various other peasant demands arising from the different conditions in the different districts of the country, we failed correctly to link these partial demands with the basic demand – the demand for a revolutionary land reform. As a result, we were unable to win to our side the peasantry and particularly the poor sections as the main force in the peasant movement.
The New Programme of our Party completely eliminated this vagueness in relation to the agrarian question and showed that the development of agriculture and improvement of the life of the peasantry could be achieved only on the basis of a revolutionary land reform and complete abolition of the feudal survivals in the life of the people. Actually, the “land reform” carried out on the orders of the U.S. occupationists, gave nothing to the middle and poor peasant. On the basis of this reform the peasants had to pay big sums of money for their plots. As a result of the new and heavy financial burden foisted onto the peasants the land which they received very soon passed into the hands of landlords and kulaks and the peasants became poorer than before.
The “land reform” left the forests and waste land in the hands of the landlords. The Right-wing Socialists and “left” adventurers say that we have no grounds for holding the Government responsible for the state of affairs, because in the future the forest and waste land will be completely handed over to the Government. However, in Japan the arable land accounts for not more than 16 per cent of the total land area and without transfer of the forests and waste land no reform can be of any use to the peasants. In order to graze cattle, to have fuel and fertilizer the peasants must pay large sums for use of the forests and waste land. In this way the rule of the landlords and kulaks is propped up in the countryside.
At present, under protection of the powerful resistance organisations, the peasants are continuing organised struggle for the transfer to them, without compensation, of the forests and waste land.
Nor did the “land reform” touch the irrigation and melioration systems without which the peasants cannot develop their farming.
Consequently, this “land reform” not only did not do away with the survivals of feudalism in the countryside. It helped to preserve the domination of the reactionary forces. The anti-national “Liberal” Party continues to be the Party of the Parliamentary majority precisely because it firmly relies on the deeply rooted feudal survivals in the countryside. Thus, without a revolutionary land reform it is impossible not only to effect a radical improvement in the conditions of the peasants, it is equally impossible to ensure further development of agricultural production. And without this development it is impossible to improve the life of the working class and of the entire people. Our people are forced to live, as before, under the monarchy, to remain in American slavery, to endure unemployment and to serve as cannon fodder. It was precisely for these purposes that the U.S. imperialists carried out the fraudulent “land reform”.
The demand for a revolutionary land reform and for handing over the forests, waste land, the irrigation systems, etc. became particularly widespread in the countryside after the publication of the New Programme of the Communist Party.
In addition to provision for a revolutionary solution of the agrarian question the New Programme includes demands for abolishing the semi-feudal exploitation of labour, freedom for the trade unions, thorough improvement of the material conditions of the popular masses, and closely links the struggle for these demands with the peasant struggle. In this way the fight for the practical for the practical realisation of the New Programme has consolidated the alliance between the workers and peasants. It has drawn to the side of the working class the students and intelligentsia, handicraftsmen, small and middle merchants and businessmen who likewise suffer from the American occupation and the Yoshida Government. All these forces are rallying to the united national-liberation democratic front with the worker-peasant alliance as the main force. These revolutionary forces rely on the different resistance organisations fighting against the U.S. occupation troops and the Japanese reactionary forces.
It is precisely because of the fact that a serious consolidation of all the revolutionary forces has been effected on the basis of the New Programme that these forces, beginning from the end of 1951, have been waging a large scale offensive.
V.
The yoke imposed on Japan by the U.S. imperialists grew heavier with the launching of the aggressive war in Korea. The Americans began pumping from Japan the bulk of the materials needed for this war. As a result, the country is experiencing an acute shortage of many prime necessities. The extension of the war in Korea further aggravated the economic crisis. The textile industry which was the pride of the Japanese capitalists, recently had to cut 40 per cent of its productive capacity. This was a heavy blow to the numerous middle and small enterprises connected with the textile industry. Over 100 big companies with a total capital of over 100 million yen suffered complete bankruptcy. The economic crisis also swept other branches of industry, beginning with the chemical industry and including even the engineering industry. At present the crisis has embraced the iron and steel industry – the core of the war industry. The number of wholly and partially unemployed exceeds 18 million. The people as a whole endure really unbearable conditions.
The International Economic Conference in Moscow showed that a certain part of the capitalists in many countries, including the U.S.A., faced with the threat of bankruptcy as a result of switching the economy of these countries onto a war footing, seeks peace with the Soviet Union, the New China, the People’s Democracies and the German Democratic Republic and the development of trade with these countries. This is also true of many capitalists on Japan. Many delegates are anticipated for the Peace Conference for Asia and Pacific Region, scheduled for September in Peking. Three representatives of Japanese capitalist circles who recently participated in the International Economic Conference, represent Japan on the Preparatory Committee of this Conference.
In an attempt to conceal their defeat in Korea the U.S. imperialists resorted to germ warfare and bestial reprisals against prisoners of war. The exposure of these crimes, however, added to the hatred of the Japanese people for the U.S. imperialists; their struggle against imperialist war, for a speedy withdrawal of the occupation troops and for national independence has developed with still greater force. This growing resistance of the masses is undermining U.S. colonial domination in Japan and renders the position of the U.S. imperialists more and more hopeless. At present the U.S. policy of establishing world domination is suffering failure in all countries. They are trying to avert this by resorting to methods of fascist violence. But despite the fascist order big strikes are taking place in the U.S. itself. The economic crisis in the capitalist countries dependent on the U.S. is deepening. All this makes it all the more difficult for the U.S. imperialists to subjugate our people by means of naked violence.
Confronted with this grave situation U.S. monopoly capital and its political agents are making wide use of bandit organisations and are resorting to increasingly brutal fascist methods of rule in Japan. But this only aggravates the crisis in Japan and adds to the isolation of the U.S. agents from the people. As a result, it is becoming more and more difficult for U.S. imperialism to maintain its moral-political basis – the Yoshida Government.
For this reason the U.S. imperialists and the reactionary forces in Japan fear the struggle waged by the broad masses for national independence and freedom and for preserving peace. No fascist repressions can now suppress the growing revolutionary movement of the people. At present the revolutionary movement in Japan is closely linked with the world peace camp. And because these links involve many economic problems of everyday life, they are becoming firmer and firmer.
Hence the fighting advance of the Japanese people becomes irresistible.
VI.
With the practical realisation of the New Programme the further existence of opposition groups in our Party became impossible. The bulk of the opposition – with the exception of the Trotskyite “internationalist group”, which has dwindled to a handful of adventurers – admitted their mistakes and returned to the Party. Others are also asking to be readmitted. At present the Party is developing on the basis of unity of will and unity of leadership. But we still suffer from certain shortcomings.
These shortcomings include, for example, holding of some strikes and demonstrations without taking into account the actual demands and strivings of the workers and peasants, but only the desires of the leadership. Then, concentrating all efforts on strikes and demonstrations, the leaders frequently pay insufficient attention to such forms of struggle as elections to Parliament and to the local authorities. Our task is, persistently to conduct the class-political training of the membership, to master the art of combining legal work with underground work, to eliminate the shortcomings that we still meet in our work, to base our entire activity on maintaining the confidence of the masses and not to lag behind the revolutionary struggle which is developing at a rapid rate.
Reviewing the activity of the Japanese Communist Party during these thirty years we are particularly aware of the need to arm our Party with the theory of Marxism-Leninism and unswervingly to follow the guiding ideas of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, the great leader and teacher of all working people and standard-bearer of peace.
The ideas of Mao Tse-tung who applied Marxism-Leninism to the Chinese revolution and blazed a new pathway for China, must also be our guide.
Long live the 30th anniversary of the Communist Party of Japan!
Down with imperialist war!
Long live independence, freedom and peace for the Japanese people!
Long live the national-liberation, democratic revolution!
Long live peace and co-operation with the Soviet Union, China and all other peace-loving countries!
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