Answer to a Letter of 30 January, from Col.-Professor Rasin
On Clausewitz and the questions of war and the art of war
February 23, 1946
Dear Comrade Rasin,
I have received your letter of 30 January on Clausewitz and your short thesis on war and the art of war.
1. You ask if Lenin's standpoint on the judgement of Clausewitz is no longer valid.
In my opinion the question is wrongly put.
By putting the question in such a way one could believe that Lenin had
analyzed the science of war and the works of Clausewitz, judged them
from a military viewpoint, and had left us a number of guidelines on
military questions. Putting the question in such a way is wrong because
there are no such "Theses" of Lenin on Clausewitz's teachings on the
art of war.
Unlike Engels, Lenin did not believe himself to be an expert on
military matters, - neither before the October Revolution, nor in the
period up to the end of the Civil War.
During the Civil War, Lenin abjured us young comrades on the Central
Committee to study the art of war thoroughly. He unhesitatingly
declared that it was too late for him to become a military expert. This
explains why Lenin, in his judgement on Clausewitz and his remarks on
Clausewitz's works, does not touch upon solely military aspects such as
questions of military strategy and tactics and their relation to each
other, the relation between attack and retreat, defence and
counter-offensive and so on.
What was Lenin's interest in Clausewitz and why did he acknowledge him?
Lenin acknowleged Clausewitz who was not a Marxist, and who was
recognized as an authority in the field of military theory because in
his works he confirmed the known Marxist theory that there is a direct
relation between war and politics, that politics can engender war and
that war is the continuation of politics by force. Here, Lenin needed
Clausewitz to prove that Plekhanov, Kautsky and others had fallen once
more into social chauvinism and social imperialism. He further
acknowledged Clausewitz in that he confirmed the Marxist viewpoint in
his works that under certain unfavourable conditions, - retreat is as
justifiable a military action as is attack. Lenin needed Clausewitz to
disprove the theory of the "left" Communists who denied that retreat
could be a justifiable military action.
In this way, not as a military expert, but as a politician, Lenin used
the works of Clausewitz, and was mainly interested in those questions
in the works of Clausewitz which showed the relation between war and
Thus, as successors of Lenin, there are no restrictions on us in the
criticism of the Military doctrine of Clausewitz, as there are no
remarks of Lenin that could hinder us in our free criticism.
Thus, your judgement, on the article of Comrade Meshtsherjakov (in
"Wojennaja Mysl," No. 6/7, 1945), which criticises the military
doctrine of Clausewitz, regarding it as a "Revision" of Lenin's
judgement is completely unjustified.
2. Do we have reason at all to criticise the military doctrine of
Clausewitz? Yes, we have. In the interests of our cause and the modern
science of war, we are obliged not only to criticise Clausewitz, but
also Moltke, Sclieffen, Ludendorff, Keitel and other exponents of
German military ideology. During the last thirty years Germany has
twice forced a bloody war on the rest of the world and twice has
suffered defeat. Was this accidental? Of course not. Does this not mean
that not only Germany as a whole, but also its military ideology has
not stood the test? Obviously. It is well known that the military of
the whole world, also our Russian military, looked up to the, German
military authorities. Is it not time to put an end to this undeserved
respect? Absolutely. So, this can only be done by criticism, especially
from our side, especially from the side of those who have won the
victory over Germany.
Concerning Clausewitz, as an authority in the field of military
authority, he is of course out of date. On the whole, Clausewitz was a
representative of the time of manufacture in war, but now we are in the
machine age of war. Undoubtedly the machine age of war requires new
military ideologies. Thus, it would be ridiculous to follow the
teachings of Clausewitz today. One cannot make progress and further
science without a critical analysis of the antiquated theories of well
known authorities. This applies not only to the authorities in war
theory but also to the Marxist classics. Engels once said of the
Russian Commanders of 1812, that Gen. Barclay de Tolley was the only
one of any relevance. Engels was of course wrong, as Kut-usov was of
greater importance by far. Nevertheless there are people in our time
who did not hesitate to defend this wrong judgement of Engels.
In our criticism we must not be guided by single remarks and judgements
from the classics, but must be guided by Lenin's well known guideline :
"We do not regard the theory of Marx as something final and
untouchable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has laid the
foundations of that science that the Socialists must develop in every
direction if they do not want to fall bad behind the times. We are of
the opinion that the Russian Socialists must find their own
interpretation of Marxism, as this theory gives only general
guidelines, the application of which in detail is different in England
than in France; in France, different than in Germany; in Germany,
different than in Russia." (Lenin Works, Vol. 4. Moscow 1946. Pp
191-192. Russian Ed.)
Such an attitude is for us even more necessary concerning the authorities of war theory.
3. Concerning your short thesis on war and the art of war, I have to
restrict myself to general remarks because of their surface character.
The thesis contains too much philosophy and abstract statements. The
terminology taken from Clausewitz, talking of the grammar and logic of
war hurts ones ears. The question of the factional character of war
theory is primitively posed. The hymns of praise to Stalin also pain
the ears, it hurts to read them. Also, the chapter on counter-offensive
(not to be confused with counter-attack) is missing. I am talking of
the counter-offensive after a successful but indecisive enemy
offensive, during which the defenders assemble their forces to turn to
a counter-offensive and strike a decisive blow to the enemy and
inflict defeat upon him. 1 am of the opinion that a well organized
counter-offensive is a very interesting method of offensive. You, as an
historian should be interested in this. The old Parthens were already
acquainted with such a counter-offensive when they lured the Roman
Commander Crassus and his army into the interior of their country and,
turning to counter-offensive, destroyed him and his troops. Our
brilliant Commander, Kutusov, executed this when he destroyed Napoleon
and his army by a well prepared counter-offensive.
("New World," No. 7, April 1947, pp. 23 - 25)
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